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They followed a September 16 announcement that Morocco and Israel would elevate their diplomatic missions to full embassies and appoint ambassadors.

On September 25, the Moroccan Committee for Supporting the Nation’s Causes said it had organised 76 events in 45 cities under the slogan “Friday for Al-Aqsa and against normalisation”.

Moroccan media reported gatherings in cities including Rabat, Casablanca, Marrakesh, Tangier, Fez, Agadir, Oujda, Tetouan, Kenitra and Sale. The 76-event figure was the committee’s own count, with no independent national tally of participants.

In Rabat, protesters gathered outside Parliament, while a demonstration in Marrakesh developed into a march through several main streets, according to Lakome. Moroccan media also reported restrictions and arrests in some cities.

Restrictions and arrests

The mobilisation faced restrictions in some cities.

In Tangier, local authorities issued a decision banning a planned demonstration on September 27. Achkayen later reported that security forces dispersed hundreds of participants and that more than 12 people were detained, citing its own sources.

Lakome reported that authorities also prevented demonstrations in M’diq, while security forces surrounded a gathering in Agadir to prevent it from becoming a march.

The Moroccan Committee for Supporting the Nation’s Causes subsequently condemned what it described as bans, restrictions and arrests.

The response underscored another dimension of the dispute: Opposition to the relationship with Israel has remained visible on the streets, even as the government has continued to develop official ties.

A relationship under public pressure

Morocco restored diplomatic relations with Israel in December 2020 as part of the US-brokered Abraham Accords framework, alongside Washington’s recognition of Moroccan sovereignty over Western Sahara.

On September 16, Moroccan Foreign Minister Nasser Bourita and Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Saar met in New York at a trilateral summit hosted by US Ambassador to the United Nations Mike Waltz.

The three countries confirmed plans to elevate the Moroccan and Israeli diplomatic missions to full embassies and exchange ambassadors.

Morocco and Israel also agreed to conclude agreements on investment protection and avoiding double taxation, expand direct flights and organise high-level reciprocal visits.

The move therefore goes beyond maintaining diplomatic relations established in 2020. It sets out a broader programme of institutional, economic and transport links between the two countries.

For opponents of the relationship, the embassy agreement represents another step in a policy they have rejected since 2020.

Public opinion and state policy

Morocco has maintained diplomatic relations with Israel while continuing to publicly support the Palestinian cause and the establishment of a Palestinian state.

For opponents of normalisation, however, the two positions are incompatible, particularly amid Israel’s genocidal war on Gaza.

“What has changed is the political context: Normalisation is being consolidated at a time when the war in Gaza has generated unprecedented public anger and intense images of Palestinian suffering,” Kathya K Berrada, senior programmes manager at the Arab Center for Research, told Al Jazeera.

“What we are seeing in Morocco is a growing disconnect between official diplomacy and public sentiment,” Moroccan activist Mouna Rahiani said, citing the latest Arab Opinion Index, which found that 89 percent of Moroccans surveyed opposed their country recognising Israel, while six percent supported it.

“While the state is moving towards deeper and more formal relations with Israel, Moroccans are still taking to the streets to say that Palestine cannot be treated as separate from our political and moral responsibilities,” she said.

The September agreement has brought an existing tension into sharper focus: public mobilisation against normalisation continues while the state pursues closer institutional ties with Israel.

Berrada said there was an important distinction between official policy and popular opinion, arguing that there is not enough reliable public data to establish how many Moroccans support or oppose normalisation.

Western Sahara adds another layer

The timing also matters for Morocco’s Western Sahara policy. The United Nations Security Council is due to consider the mandate of the UN Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO) in October. Its current mandate runs until October 31, 2026.

The September 16 trilateral statement came against the backdrop of US recognition of Moroccan sovereignty over Western Sahara and Israel’s support for Morocco’s position on the territory.

For Rabat, the relationship with Israel sits within a wider foreign-policy framework in which ties with Washington and international support for its position on Western Sahara remain important.

For opponents of normalisation, however, that strategic calculation does not resolve their objection to closer ties with Israel, particularly while the Palestinian issue remains highly salient.

Ahmed, a Moroccan sociologist who asked to be identified by one name, said the September 16 move was “a continuation of the trilateral agreement of December 10, 2020”, but that Morocco should make the relationship “comprehensive, not selective or partial”.

The election changes the political backdrop

The protests came days after Morocco held parliamentary elections on September 23.

The final results gave the Authenticity and Modernity Party 97 of the 395 seats, followed by the National Rally of Independents with 66, the Istiqlal Party with 65 and the Party of Justice and Development (PJD) with 54.

The PJD had won 13 seats in 2021. Turnout was 38.08 percent, compared with 50.86 percent in 2021 and 42.27 percent in 2016, according to Morocco’s Ministry of Interior.

It was the PJD in power when Morocco restored relations with Israel in 2020. Then-Prime Minister Saadeddine el-Othmani signed the Morocco-US-Israel joint declaration that December.

The PJD has maintained that opposition to normalisation was a longstanding party position. The party subsequently reaffirmed its rejection of normalisation and relations with Israel, while el-Othmani defended the 2020 decision as a state-level decision.

On September 17, following the announcement of the planned diplomatic upgrade, the PJD’s general secretariat reiterated its opposition to normalisation and to relations and agreements with Israel.

After the election, the PJD’s national council unanimously decided to remain in parliamentary opposition and not participate in the next government.

The PJD’s position has illustrated the limits of using party politics to measure the effect of opposition to normalisation. The party opposed the policy while in government, yet its prime minister signed the 2020 declaration.

Its larger parliamentary presence in 2026 gives the issue a stronger political platform, but does not by itself alter Morocco’s foreign policy.

It has not been established that the Palestine issue or opposition to normalisation was a decisive factor in voting, and neither do the PJD’s gains demonstrate that its position on Israel directly drove its increased representation.

From the streets to politics?

The September demonstrations show that organisations opposed to normalisation retain the ability to mobilise across a wide geographic area. But their effect on government policy is less clear.

“There is an important distinction between state policy and popular opinion. Normalisation is an official state decision, but there is limited reliable public data allowing us to measure the level of popular support for it,” Berrada said.

“It would therefore be difficult to claim that either a majority or a minority of Moroccans endorse the policy.”

That distinction is important when assessing the significance of the protests. Demonstrations can show the strength and persistence of organised opposition, but they do not by themselves establish the views of the wider population or show that government policy will change.

The PJD now has a larger parliamentary presence than it did after the 2021 election, but it remains in opposition. It will be able to voice its opposition to normalisation in Parliament, but will not have a place in government.

At the same time, the September 16 agreement remains part of a broader Moroccan foreign-policy framework involving the United States, Israel and Western Sahara. The Security Council’s consideration of MINURSO in October will provide another diplomatic setting in which Morocco’s position on the territory is under discussion.

For now, the protests demonstrate that opposition to normalisation remains capable of sustained mobilisation, while the government continues to deepen the relationship. Whether that public opposition translates into sustained political pressure remains less clear. %!s()

The action was announced on Tuesday by Rudi Setiawan, the inspector general of the Ministry of Immigration and Corrections. “We have suspended five structural officials, including the Cibinong prison chief, who are suspected of being responsible for the incident uncovered by the Ombudsman,” he said.

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Dozens of inmates and prison employees have been questioned, he said.

The units, more than 10 in all, stood apart from the regular cellblocks at Cibinong prison in Bogor, near Jakarta.

They were found on September 23 during a surprise inspection by Indonesia’s Ombudsman, the government’s public-service watchdog.

Investigators said the residences contained air-conditioners, big-screen televisions, refrigerators, sofas and dining areas. They also reported finding a gym, a golf simulator under construction, and luxury vehicles on the grounds.

“We found strong indications that certain inmates had access to special facilities unavailable to ordinary prisoners,” Syafrida Rachmawati Rasahan, an Ombudsman member, said at a news conference.

“We encountered inmates inside the residential compound and discovered facilities resembling homestays, apartments and villas rather than prison housing,” she said.

The buildings were originally intended as official housing for prison personnel, but investigators are examining whether they were converted into unauthorised accommodations for inmates.

The incident has drawn widespread public attention and renewed scrutiny of Indonesia’s prisons, which have long faced allegations that wealthy or well-connected inmates can obtain preferential treatment through bribery.

The Cibinong prison, which sits on 4 hectares (10 acres), holds a mix of inmates, including people convicted of corruption and other high-profile prisoners. The identities of those who lived in the compound have not been officially disclosed.

Lawmakers, anticorruption activists and watchdog groups have urged authorities to identify which prisoners occupied the facilities and whether prison officials accepted payments in exchange for the privileges.

The case is the latest embarrassment for the Indonesian corrections system, which has struggled for years with overcrowding, corruption and repeated allegations that affluent inmates can buy privileges unavailable to the broader prison population.

An investigation into Indonesia’s prisons in 2010 already found that some inmates live a life of luxury behind bars. %!s()

Nowadays there are heaps of respected brands doling out thoughtful controllers. The one that tops PC Gamer's list of the best PC controllers—and my personal favourite—is the GameSir G7 Pro. I reviewed this model almost exactly a year ago and it's still at the top of our list, chiefly because it boasts a lot of features that you'd normally have to spend around AU$200-AU$300 for.

Normally it's AU$159, but as part of Amazon's Big Deal Days you can get it for AU$127, which is the cheapest I've ever seen it. Usually it drops to AU$134 during big sales events. You will need to be a Prime member for that price, but never fear: there's a free trial.

If you need a controller it's pretty much a no brainer to pick this up. My full review makes a decent case, but to summarise in handy bullet points:

• It has TMR analog sticks: These are an upgrade from drift-free Hall effect analog sticks. Not only will they not drift (unlike Sony and Microsoft controllers) but they're marginally more accurate
• It has Hall effect triggers: The trigger buttons on Sony and Microsoft controllers are usually the second thing to break. But here they use Hall effect tech which makes them far, far less prone to stickiness because they don't require contact to trigger a response
• It has paddle buttons: There are two rear buttons on this thing. Yes, there are usually four rear buttons on pro controllers but the G7 Pro, gawd love it, takes a different tack: the other two "extra" buttons sit on the top of the controller between the bumper buttons.
• It's pretty damn modular: There are three varieties of D-pad included, which are easily snapped in and out. The grips and front plate can also be removed and replaced.
• There's a charging stand: Much pricier controllers don't include a charging stand (looking at you, appalling expensive DualSense Edge), so this is a real bonus. The 2.4GHz wireless dongle can sit inside the charging stand as well, once you've plugged it into your PC via USB, making things neat and tidy.
• It doesn't feel cheap: The G7 Pro is pricier than an Xbox controller, but given all the added features you'd think it might feel bad in the hands. But no: it feels as rugged and ergonomic as Microsoft's offerings

Amazon Big Deal Days ends this coming Monday, so you've got about half a week to figure out whether you want to bite the bullet. I'm rounding up all the best deals in our Big Deal Days live blog.

The PC Gamer Circuit Breaker newsletter breaks down the latest PC gaming tech, and finds you the best deals on the best products

Shaun Prescott is the Australian editor of PC Gamer. With over ten years experience covering the games industry, his work has appeared on GamesRadar+, TechRadar, The Guardian, PLAY Magazine, the Sydney Morning Herald, and more. Specific interests include indie games, obscure Metroidvanias, speedrunning, experimental games and FPSs. He thinks Lulu by Metallica and Lou Reed is an all-time classic that will receive its due critical reappraisal one day. %!s()

Diablo 5’s reveal at Blizzcon 2026 left fans equal parts excited and worried. Of course, players were pumped for a new Diablo game — but with Diablo 4 having just launched in 2023, the reveal of a new game so soon felt like a death knell for the one they were still playing.

But Brent Gibson, director of Diablo 4, says there’s nothing to fuss about. Speaking with Icy Veins, Gibson outlined some plans for the game’s future content, saying it will continue to receive support well after 5’s release.

“I have an analogy,” he began. “If you’re wearing a sign in the middle of Times Square saying, ‘The end is nigh,’ the end is not nigh. We have a lot coming. We have [the] Amazon [class] coming down the road. The train isn’t stopping.

“One of the things I love about our world is we are not a series of games. We are a universe. We are even adding to Diablo 2 with the Warlock. It’s one of the few franchises where we have the luxury of continued play, and we know our communities.

“If you’re worried, don’t sweat it, because we’re going to be making content for a long time. But we are excited about Diablo 5. We’ve got a show coming. Gone are the years of waiting a decade for more content. It’s a great place to be.”

More specifically, Gibson said Blizzard is planning on supporting seasons for Diablo 4 “as long as the community continues to show up” for it, specifically mentioning the ongoing support for Diablo 2 and Diablo 3.

“There are still people who play those games, and as long as you’re showing up, we’re going to continue to be making content," he assured.

As Gibson mentioned, Diablo 4 is getting the Amazon class in the first half of 2027. With three more years to go until Diablo 5 is released, there’s still plenty of time for developers to flesh out the title with even more classes and experiences — something they spoke about during a dedicated Diablo panel at Blizzcon this year.

“Diablo 4 has bright support,” Diablo 5 director Joe Shely said. “It's fully supported by the team. We were just announcing earlier today, coming to Diablo 4, the Amazon, the Season of Hell's legacy, Diablo 4 is coming to Switch 2, and there will continue to be ongoing support for Diablo 4. There's many reasons for players to keep playing.”

“We have dedicated teams for each of those games because those games are important to us and they're really important for our community,” production director Tiffany Wat added. “I think it really gives us a really great opportunity to be able to collaborate together, to talk with one another. Even though we might be distinct teams, we still work together quite closely because ultimately we are making games for the Diablo community. I think it's the best time to be a Diablo fan.”

For more Diablo news, you can check out our interview with the developers here, as well as catch up with their reaction to the series' animated show coming to Netflix.

Virginia (she/her) is IGN’s News Editor. With ten years of experience reporting on games and entertainment, she’s got a storied background in the fighting game community, influencer news, and viral online trends. Find her on Twitter at @TheeMissGlaze. 

Get IGN's Biggest Stories FIRST. Set Us as Your Source.Add Source %!s()

Together, it marks a push into legal services that has intensified even as lawyers continue to be fined and vilified for submitting AI filings packed with fictitious case law. In June, the Ontario Law Society Tribunal ordered lawyer Shahryar Mazaheri to pay tens of thousands of dollars for using filings drafted using Grok, which contained fake case citations. Researcher Damien Charlotin's database has cataloged nearly 2,000 such cases worldwide, involving more than 800 lawyers and 1,100 self-represented litigants.

Lawyers keep getting caught submitting AI slop

The Ontario Law Society found last December that Mazaheri had used an earlier version of Grok to draft a factum (a written legal argument) for a client's appeal. This, tribunal documents say, produced fabricated citations and invented legal principles. A costs decision issued back in June ordered Mazaheri to pay $31,150, with the adjudicators noting that an LLM "does not appreciate nuance or exercise judgment or use a moral compass," and is "strongly predisposed to giving an answer — any answer — rather than admitting ignorance." Adjudicators described his AI-generated materials as "gibberish."

Sullivan & Cromwell, the white-shoe law firm that's one of the highest-grossing in the United States and pays its brand-new, first-year attorneys a $225,000 base salary, is among the guilty. It filed an emergency letter with the Southern District of New York in April after a bankruptcy motion it submitted to Chief Judge Martin Glenn was found to contain 42 AI-generated fabrications. In Canadian courts alone, reported cases involving fabricated citations rose from just seven in 2024 to 86 in 2025, with 39 more in the first quarter of 2026.

Before any major AI company had released a specific legal tool, DoNotPay dropped plans in early 2023 to have an AI "robot lawyer" argue a case in court after state bar associations threatened criminal prosecution.

Built for verification

Bangla press/Shutterstock

Google and Anthropic both imply that their legal products are built for verification. Google's product routes queries via connectors to external legal databases such as Everlaw and NetDocuments, rather than relying on the model's training data in isolation. Google Cloud CEO Thomas Kurian said at launch that "ensuring every aspect of these agentic workflows is accurate, factual, and grounded in legal authority is of critical importance." Gottlieb, Freshfields, Weil and Williams & Connolly, four of the world's largest law firms, are involved in the preview program.

Anthropic has taken a similar approach with its Claude Legal Solutions product. It includes a reported 20 connectors to legal platforms alongside 12 pre-built plugins. The lab has claimed a 90.9 percent score on the BigLaw Bench legal reasoning benchmark for Opus 4.7 and counts Freshfields and Quinn Emanuel among its customers. The key difference between these products and the Mazaheri case is that rather than asking the model to generate citations from memory, it pulls them from external, verified sources.

SpaceXAI's Grok-powered legal product, meanwhile, has thinner credentials. A Cursor blog post stated that Grok 4.5 was suited for "finance, legal work, or anything else you do on a computer," but SpaceXAI's later announcement for the model focused on "coding, agentic tasks and knowledge work" and made no mention of legal applications. The page also doesn't disclose an architecture or mechanism for tracing citations to primary sources. SpaceX officially acquired Cursor for $60 billion on August 15, bringing the code editor's legal marketing under the Grok umbrella.

Verification is still the lawyer's job

In a 2024 study, Stanford's RegLab found hallucination rates of 17 percent and 33 percent after testing purpose-built legal AI platforms from LexisNexis and Westlaw. There hasn't yet been a comparable independent audit looking at Google or Anthropic's legal tools.

All attorneys are subject to bar association rules that place a duty to verify citations on the attorney who files them, whether AI was used or not. Mazaheri's $31,150 penalty wasn't imposed because he used AI, but because its output wasn't thoroughly checked. That obligation isn't going to change, no matter how carefully designed a legal AI tool is, or how many vendor safeguards come packaged within. %!s()