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On average, three-year-old used cars have risen in price by as much as 38.2% since 2019, which, as some may remember, was the last full year before the COVID-19 pandemic absolutely borked the used car market (among many, many other things) for the first time this decade. Here we are a few years later, and not much has changed for the better.

However, just because the average price for a gently used car has increased doesn't mean that the price of every used car on the market has gone to the moon and back. There are still a few good deals out there if you know where to look and what to look for. Sure, the days of $20,000 used lease cars are mostly behind us, but some rides are bucking the price-spike trend. Great used options that have experienced less dramatic price increases than their competition, have dropped in price, or are poised to see their prices drop range from the Hyundai Ioniq 5 and Subaru Crosstrek to the Chevy Malibu and beyond.

2023 Subaru Crosstrek

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While the average used car price has increased by $9,000 since 2019, the price of a 2023 Subaru Crosstrek today is still only about $3,500 higher than a used 2016 Crosstrek would've cost you in 2019, according to iSeeCars. That's an increase of only 16.5% over the last few years and is less than half the average increase across the whole used car market. What makes it even better is that, although there are some issues with older Crosstreks, they still make for excellent daily drivers.

To get more power out of this used Subie, look for a used Sport or Limited trim, both of which come with a slightly larger 2.5-liter boxer-4 and CVT. These versions produce 182 horsepower and get ritzier accoutrements, including synthetic leather upholstery on the Sport and genuine leather on the Limited. This engine allows the Crosstrek to scoot from 0-60 mph in 7.5 seconds according to Car and Driver's testing, making it plenty fast for comfortable highway merging. In times when gas prices are rising, and cars are about to get less efficient, the Crosstrek is pleasantly economical. Depending on the configuration you find, you can expect to get between 25 mpg with the 2.0-liter boxer-4 and 30 mpg with the larger 2.5-liter paired with the CVT in combined city/highway driving.

2023 Tesla Model X

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The last few years have been — let's say — interesting for ol' Tesla. The result is that you can now get some Tesla models for cheaper than ever, but whether you'd want to be caught driving one is another story. It's unique on this list and an oddity among basically every other car on the market in that the average price of a three-year-old Model X has actually dropped over the last seven years — drastically, even.

In 2019, a 2016 Tesla Model X would've run you an average of $75,554, according to the data from iSeeCars. Today, a 2023 Model X runs buyers an average of just $62,689. That nearly $13,000 price drop represents an extraordinary 17% decrease in the average price. There are many potential causes for this nigh-unbelievable loss in value. Tesla's overall brand value has nosedived due to Musk's politics in recent years, and the brand's aging lineup hasn't done much to help the automaker's precarious reputation. By some estimates, Tesla's market valuation has dropped 40% since its peak in 2023.

The state of the Model X may also be to blame for the lineup's depreciation. Between the 2022 and 2025 model years, the Model X received few updates, and its base price decreased. There were two trims for 2023: base and Plaid. Base models feature a 670-hp dual-motor setup and come standard with synthetic leather upholstery, a 17-inch touch screen, ambient interior lighting, heated and ventilated front seats, and 269 EPA-rated miles (or 348 miles in Long Range models). Tri-motor Plaid models have more power, to the tune of 1020 ponies, but they still have a range of about 333 miles. With Tesla retiring the Model X after the 2026 model, it remains to be seen if this EV will continue to plummet.

2023 Hyundai Ioniq 5

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If you want to be the proud owner of a solid electric SUV and not get suspicious side-eyes from everyone on the street, it's time to look toward the 2023 Hyundai Ioniq 5. The 2023 model year was the Ioniq 5's second year on the market, so there's less data available for three-year-old Ioniq 5s, but all signs point to this being an excellent value that may only get better going forward. Currently, the national average fair purchase price for a base 2023 Ioniq 5 hovers around $22,000 according to Kelley Blue Book, making it one of the most affordable vehicles on this list.

While there's no 2019 data to compare the Ioniq 5 against, Hyundai is doing its best to make sure that used Ioniq 5s stay affordable by keeping new Ioniq 5s affordable too. For example, in 2025, Hyundai dropped the price of the 2026 Ioniq 5 by almost $10,000 and continued offering a $7,500 cash incentive on 2025 models even after the long-standing EV tax credit was axed by Republicans. Consequently, a new 2027 Hyundai Ioniq 5 starts at just $36,600, compared to $42,785 in 2023.

The Ioniq 5 debuted to much acclaim, and it's only gotten better since then thanks to improved styling, better range estimates, and more features. These upgrades leave the 2023 models all the cheaper. Unfortunately, getting a 2023 Ioniq 5 means you'll need a NACS adapter, as the old models used the CCS charging port. You'll find three trims. The base SE offers a long-range or standard-range battery. Heated front seats, a 12.3-inch touch screen, and traffic-sign recognition are standard. The SEL trim unlocks synthetic leather upholstery and wireless device charging; the range-topping Limited trim gets a surround-view monitor, and all-wheel-drive models have more power. 

2023 Volvo XC90

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Among the many diverse entries in the luxury SUV market, the 2023 Volvo XC90 is a paragon of hope for those with strained wallets and big dreams. While owning an XC90 hasn't exactly gotten cheaper in the last decade, it hasn't seen the same drastic price hikes as the rest of the market. According to iSeeCars, the average price for a three-year-old XC90 has only increased a merciful 2.8% since the bygone era of 2019, when we were all yet sweet summer children. Back then, you could've expected to pay around $38,710 for a 2016 Volvo XC90, and today you'll be paying to the tune of $39,782. Considering the steep inflation rates of the COVID quarantine years followed by steady inflation rates of about 3% since, the price of an XC90 today is looking pretty sweet.

The 2023 Volvo XC90 is still an impressive machine today. With seats for six or seven, depending on the configuration, the XC90 is a certified people hauler, and it boasts a stylish cabin with plenty of features that still scream "luxury," especially to first-time buyers in the luxury segment. The base trim is equipped with a potent mild-hybrid powertrain that produces a respectable 247 hp and 258 pound-feet of torque. This offers a confident and drama-free driving experience, and the SUV's composed handling is the cherry on top. Inside, you'll find synthetic leather upholstery on the base Core trim, while the Plus trim gets genuine leather upholstery, and the top-tier Ultimate trim gets supple Nappa leather. There are also power-adjustable seats, wireless device charging, a 10-speaker stereo, and automatic climate control with four zones. Watch out for models with 21-inch wheels, which offer an unsettled ride.

2023 Chevrolet Malibu

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Ah, the good old Malibu. While this wasn't a particularly impressive sedan for the final few years of its legendary run, it was an affordable cornerstone of the dwindling sedan market, serving as an entry point for budget shoppers. Very few driving enthusiasts will miss the Malibu, but the market is certainly worse off without its balancing presence.

Fortunately, its influence lives on in the used car market, where a three-year-old car costs under $20,000. In fact, you can knock as much as 25% off that number and still probably find a seller willing to work with you. Since 2019, the average three-year-old Malibu price has risen only 7%, from $16,153 to $17,275, according to iSeeCars. That's significantly under the market-wide average of 38.2%, and you'll have a hard time finding any 2023 vehicle cheaper than you'll find a 2023 Malibu.

Driving a Malibu probably isn't anybody's first choice, but that doesn't mean it's a bad one. In an increasingly tumultuous economy, getting a reliable and not-falling-apart daily driver for as cheap as possible is an enterprising choice. The 2023 Malibu will get you a respectable 30 mpg, and with more bad oil news on the daily, that's nothing to shake a stick at. It's not quick, but it's practical, has a comfortable ride, and won't frustrate you with its infotainment system. At the very least, it gets you five functional seats, an 8-inch touch screen, wireless smartphone integration, and a six-speaker stereo. Smooth acceleration is another perk. If you find a good price on a higher trim, you could even walk away with leather upholstery, heated seats, and a Bose stereo. Not too shabby. %!s()

They followed a September 16 announcement that Morocco and Israel would elevate their diplomatic missions to full embassies and appoint ambassadors.

On September 25, the Moroccan Committee for Supporting the Nation’s Causes said it had organised 76 events in 45 cities under the slogan “Friday for Al-Aqsa and against normalisation”.

Moroccan media reported gatherings in cities including Rabat, Casablanca, Marrakesh, Tangier, Fez, Agadir, Oujda, Tetouan, Kenitra and Sale. The 76-event figure was the committee’s own count, with no independent national tally of participants.

In Rabat, protesters gathered outside Parliament, while a demonstration in Marrakesh developed into a march through several main streets, according to Lakome. Moroccan media also reported restrictions and arrests in some cities.

Restrictions and arrests

The mobilisation faced restrictions in some cities.

In Tangier, local authorities issued a decision banning a planned demonstration on September 27. Achkayen later reported that security forces dispersed hundreds of participants and that more than 12 people were detained, citing its own sources.

Lakome reported that authorities also prevented demonstrations in M’diq, while security forces surrounded a gathering in Agadir to prevent it from becoming a march.

The Moroccan Committee for Supporting the Nation’s Causes subsequently condemned what it described as bans, restrictions and arrests.

The response underscored another dimension of the dispute: Opposition to the relationship with Israel has remained visible on the streets, even as the government has continued to develop official ties.

A relationship under public pressure

Morocco restored diplomatic relations with Israel in December 2020 as part of the US-brokered Abraham Accords framework, alongside Washington’s recognition of Moroccan sovereignty over Western Sahara.

On September 16, Moroccan Foreign Minister Nasser Bourita and Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Saar met in New York at a trilateral summit hosted by US Ambassador to the United Nations Mike Waltz.

The three countries confirmed plans to elevate the Moroccan and Israeli diplomatic missions to full embassies and exchange ambassadors.

Morocco and Israel also agreed to conclude agreements on investment protection and avoiding double taxation, expand direct flights and organise high-level reciprocal visits.

The move therefore goes beyond maintaining diplomatic relations established in 2020. It sets out a broader programme of institutional, economic and transport links between the two countries.

For opponents of the relationship, the embassy agreement represents another step in a policy they have rejected since 2020.

Public opinion and state policy

Morocco has maintained diplomatic relations with Israel while continuing to publicly support the Palestinian cause and the establishment of a Palestinian state.

For opponents of normalisation, however, the two positions are incompatible, particularly amid Israel’s genocidal war on Gaza.

“What has changed is the political context: Normalisation is being consolidated at a time when the war in Gaza has generated unprecedented public anger and intense images of Palestinian suffering,” Kathya K Berrada, senior programmes manager at the Arab Center for Research, told Al Jazeera.

“What we are seeing in Morocco is a growing disconnect between official diplomacy and public sentiment,” Moroccan activist Mouna Rahiani said, citing the latest Arab Opinion Index, which found that 89 percent of Moroccans surveyed opposed their country recognising Israel, while six percent supported it.

“While the state is moving towards deeper and more formal relations with Israel, Moroccans are still taking to the streets to say that Palestine cannot be treated as separate from our political and moral responsibilities,” she said.

The September agreement has brought an existing tension into sharper focus: public mobilisation against normalisation continues while the state pursues closer institutional ties with Israel.

Berrada said there was an important distinction between official policy and popular opinion, arguing that there is not enough reliable public data to establish how many Moroccans support or oppose normalisation.

Western Sahara adds another layer

The timing also matters for Morocco’s Western Sahara policy. The United Nations Security Council is due to consider the mandate of the UN Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO) in October. Its current mandate runs until October 31, 2026.

The September 16 trilateral statement came against the backdrop of US recognition of Moroccan sovereignty over Western Sahara and Israel’s support for Morocco’s position on the territory.

For Rabat, the relationship with Israel sits within a wider foreign-policy framework in which ties with Washington and international support for its position on Western Sahara remain important.

For opponents of normalisation, however, that strategic calculation does not resolve their objection to closer ties with Israel, particularly while the Palestinian issue remains highly salient.

Ahmed, a Moroccan sociologist who asked to be identified by one name, said the September 16 move was “a continuation of the trilateral agreement of December 10, 2020”, but that Morocco should make the relationship “comprehensive, not selective or partial”.

The election changes the political backdrop

The protests came days after Morocco held parliamentary elections on September 23.

The final results gave the Authenticity and Modernity Party 97 of the 395 seats, followed by the National Rally of Independents with 66, the Istiqlal Party with 65 and the Party of Justice and Development (PJD) with 54.

The PJD had won 13 seats in 2021. Turnout was 38.08 percent, compared with 50.86 percent in 2021 and 42.27 percent in 2016, according to Morocco’s Ministry of Interior.

It was the PJD in power when Morocco restored relations with Israel in 2020. Then-Prime Minister Saadeddine el-Othmani signed the Morocco-US-Israel joint declaration that December.

The PJD has maintained that opposition to normalisation was a longstanding party position. The party subsequently reaffirmed its rejection of normalisation and relations with Israel, while el-Othmani defended the 2020 decision as a state-level decision.

On September 17, following the announcement of the planned diplomatic upgrade, the PJD’s general secretariat reiterated its opposition to normalisation and to relations and agreements with Israel.

After the election, the PJD’s national council unanimously decided to remain in parliamentary opposition and not participate in the next government.

The PJD’s position has illustrated the limits of using party politics to measure the effect of opposition to normalisation. The party opposed the policy while in government, yet its prime minister signed the 2020 declaration.

Its larger parliamentary presence in 2026 gives the issue a stronger political platform, but does not by itself alter Morocco’s foreign policy.

It has not been established that the Palestine issue or opposition to normalisation was a decisive factor in voting, and neither do the PJD’s gains demonstrate that its position on Israel directly drove its increased representation.

From the streets to politics?

The September demonstrations show that organisations opposed to normalisation retain the ability to mobilise across a wide geographic area. But their effect on government policy is less clear.

“There is an important distinction between state policy and popular opinion. Normalisation is an official state decision, but there is limited reliable public data allowing us to measure the level of popular support for it,” Berrada said.

“It would therefore be difficult to claim that either a majority or a minority of Moroccans endorse the policy.”

That distinction is important when assessing the significance of the protests. Demonstrations can show the strength and persistence of organised opposition, but they do not by themselves establish the views of the wider population or show that government policy will change.

The PJD now has a larger parliamentary presence than it did after the 2021 election, but it remains in opposition. It will be able to voice its opposition to normalisation in Parliament, but will not have a place in government.

At the same time, the September 16 agreement remains part of a broader Moroccan foreign-policy framework involving the United States, Israel and Western Sahara. The Security Council’s consideration of MINURSO in October will provide another diplomatic setting in which Morocco’s position on the territory is under discussion.

For now, the protests demonstrate that opposition to normalisation remains capable of sustained mobilisation, while the government continues to deepen the relationship. Whether that public opposition translates into sustained political pressure remains less clear. %!s()

The action was announced on Tuesday by Rudi Setiawan, the inspector general of the Ministry of Immigration and Corrections. “We have suspended five structural officials, including the Cibinong prison chief, who are suspected of being responsible for the incident uncovered by the Ombudsman,” he said.

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Dozens of inmates and prison employees have been questioned, he said.

The units, more than 10 in all, stood apart from the regular cellblocks at Cibinong prison in Bogor, near Jakarta.

They were found on September 23 during a surprise inspection by Indonesia’s Ombudsman, the government’s public-service watchdog.

Investigators said the residences contained air-conditioners, big-screen televisions, refrigerators, sofas and dining areas. They also reported finding a gym, a golf simulator under construction, and luxury vehicles on the grounds.

“We found strong indications that certain inmates had access to special facilities unavailable to ordinary prisoners,” Syafrida Rachmawati Rasahan, an Ombudsman member, said at a news conference.

“We encountered inmates inside the residential compound and discovered facilities resembling homestays, apartments and villas rather than prison housing,” she said.

The buildings were originally intended as official housing for prison personnel, but investigators are examining whether they were converted into unauthorised accommodations for inmates.

The incident has drawn widespread public attention and renewed scrutiny of Indonesia’s prisons, which have long faced allegations that wealthy or well-connected inmates can obtain preferential treatment through bribery.

The Cibinong prison, which sits on 4 hectares (10 acres), holds a mix of inmates, including people convicted of corruption and other high-profile prisoners. The identities of those who lived in the compound have not been officially disclosed.

Lawmakers, anticorruption activists and watchdog groups have urged authorities to identify which prisoners occupied the facilities and whether prison officials accepted payments in exchange for the privileges.

The case is the latest embarrassment for the Indonesian corrections system, which has struggled for years with overcrowding, corruption and repeated allegations that affluent inmates can buy privileges unavailable to the broader prison population.

An investigation into Indonesia’s prisons in 2010 already found that some inmates live a life of luxury behind bars. %!s()

Nowadays there are heaps of respected brands doling out thoughtful controllers. The one that tops PC Gamer's list of the best PC controllers—and my personal favourite—is the GameSir G7 Pro. I reviewed this model almost exactly a year ago and it's still at the top of our list, chiefly because it boasts a lot of features that you'd normally have to spend around AU$200-AU$300 for.

Normally it's AU$159, but as part of Amazon's Big Deal Days you can get it for AU$127, which is the cheapest I've ever seen it. Usually it drops to AU$134 during big sales events. You will need to be a Prime member for that price, but never fear: there's a free trial.

If you need a controller it's pretty much a no brainer to pick this up. My full review makes a decent case, but to summarise in handy bullet points:

• It has TMR analog sticks: These are an upgrade from drift-free Hall effect analog sticks. Not only will they not drift (unlike Sony and Microsoft controllers) but they're marginally more accurate
• It has Hall effect triggers: The trigger buttons on Sony and Microsoft controllers are usually the second thing to break. But here they use Hall effect tech which makes them far, far less prone to stickiness because they don't require contact to trigger a response
• It has paddle buttons: There are two rear buttons on this thing. Yes, there are usually four rear buttons on pro controllers but the G7 Pro, gawd love it, takes a different tack: the other two "extra" buttons sit on the top of the controller between the bumper buttons.
• It's pretty damn modular: There are three varieties of D-pad included, which are easily snapped in and out. The grips and front plate can also be removed and replaced.
• There's a charging stand: Much pricier controllers don't include a charging stand (looking at you, appalling expensive DualSense Edge), so this is a real bonus. The 2.4GHz wireless dongle can sit inside the charging stand as well, once you've plugged it into your PC via USB, making things neat and tidy.
• It doesn't feel cheap: The G7 Pro is pricier than an Xbox controller, but given all the added features you'd think it might feel bad in the hands. But no: it feels as rugged and ergonomic as Microsoft's offerings

Amazon Big Deal Days ends this coming Monday, so you've got about half a week to figure out whether you want to bite the bullet. I'm rounding up all the best deals in our Big Deal Days live blog.

The PC Gamer Circuit Breaker newsletter breaks down the latest PC gaming tech, and finds you the best deals on the best products

Shaun Prescott is the Australian editor of PC Gamer. With over ten years experience covering the games industry, his work has appeared on GamesRadar+, TechRadar, The Guardian, PLAY Magazine, the Sydney Morning Herald, and more. Specific interests include indie games, obscure Metroidvanias, speedrunning, experimental games and FPSs. He thinks Lulu by Metallica and Lou Reed is an all-time classic that will receive its due critical reappraisal one day. %!s()

Diablo 5’s reveal at Blizzcon 2026 left fans equal parts excited and worried. Of course, players were pumped for a new Diablo game — but with Diablo 4 having just launched in 2023, the reveal of a new game so soon felt like a death knell for the one they were still playing.

But Brent Gibson, director of Diablo 4, says there’s nothing to fuss about. Speaking with Icy Veins, Gibson outlined some plans for the game’s future content, saying it will continue to receive support well after 5’s release.

“I have an analogy,” he began. “If you’re wearing a sign in the middle of Times Square saying, ‘The end is nigh,’ the end is not nigh. We have a lot coming. We have [the] Amazon [class] coming down the road. The train isn’t stopping.

“One of the things I love about our world is we are not a series of games. We are a universe. We are even adding to Diablo 2 with the Warlock. It’s one of the few franchises where we have the luxury of continued play, and we know our communities.

“If you’re worried, don’t sweat it, because we’re going to be making content for a long time. But we are excited about Diablo 5. We’ve got a show coming. Gone are the years of waiting a decade for more content. It’s a great place to be.”

More specifically, Gibson said Blizzard is planning on supporting seasons for Diablo 4 “as long as the community continues to show up” for it, specifically mentioning the ongoing support for Diablo 2 and Diablo 3.

“There are still people who play those games, and as long as you’re showing up, we’re going to continue to be making content," he assured.

As Gibson mentioned, Diablo 4 is getting the Amazon class in the first half of 2027. With three more years to go until Diablo 5 is released, there’s still plenty of time for developers to flesh out the title with even more classes and experiences — something they spoke about during a dedicated Diablo panel at Blizzcon this year.

“Diablo 4 has bright support,” Diablo 5 director Joe Shely said. “It's fully supported by the team. We were just announcing earlier today, coming to Diablo 4, the Amazon, the Season of Hell's legacy, Diablo 4 is coming to Switch 2, and there will continue to be ongoing support for Diablo 4. There's many reasons for players to keep playing.”

“We have dedicated teams for each of those games because those games are important to us and they're really important for our community,” production director Tiffany Wat added. “I think it really gives us a really great opportunity to be able to collaborate together, to talk with one another. Even though we might be distinct teams, we still work together quite closely because ultimately we are making games for the Diablo community. I think it's the best time to be a Diablo fan.”

For more Diablo news, you can check out our interview with the developers here, as well as catch up with their reaction to the series' animated show coming to Netflix.

Virginia (she/her) is IGN’s News Editor. With ten years of experience reporting on games and entertainment, she’s got a storied background in the fighting game community, influencer news, and viral online trends. Find her on Twitter at @TheeMissGlaze. 

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